Monday, 1 June 2015

Britain protects towns from marauding bankers

It's quite illuminating when one studies the financial
crisis, to see that it is also a colonisation of poorer,
weaker countries. The exporting of financial tricks
has become the calling card of US and UK banks
as they tricked the gullible Continentals to buy their
fake paper.

If a country has a law that protects its towns from those
rapacious bankers, then that country is aware that its
bankers are immoral pirates.
In this case, the towns of England have a
get out of jail free card 
in the form of a law that protects them from London
banks and their tricks.
Unfortunately, lesser countries cannot be saved by this
law, so the London banks are free to trick and enslave
any country they want/

Checkit:
Syriza, Greece and Government debt cancellation. 
Could it happen here in the UK?
Posted on February 8, 2015 by joelbenjamin5    — 4 Comments ↓    
As the newly elected Syriza Government make overtures to the so-called Troika of the ECB, EC and IMF on debt restructuring, one thing is increasingly clear.
Elites in the UK and across Europe appear deeply uncomfortable the neoliberal logic of the “free market” is being questioned by a democratically elected Government, freely expressing the will of the long-suffering Greek people.
For those who sat through the car-crash Emily Maitlis interview for BBC Newsnight – accusing the Greek Finance Minister Yanis Varoufakis of “sabre rattling” for daring to renegotiate Greek debt, the hostile tone that greets BBC guests bold enough to question the ‘neoliberal consensus’ is quickly apparent.
London remains, the most important financial centre on the planet. The City of London effectively writes its own policy and regulation. Through The City UK, the British Bankers Association and HSBC’s Rona Fairhead, it pulls the strings of the BBC.
For the most part, the three major UK political parties simply nod along with this charade, collecting their cheques.
For people watching events unfold from the UK, the notion a tiny sovereign nation like Greece, tied to the fiscal straight-jacket of the EU, could take on the ECB, The City of London, Deutsche Bank and Angela Merkel, oppose the ‘fiscal water-boarding’ of austerity and win seems absurd.
As a nation governed in the interests of the City of London, do the UK media ever stop to question the legality and legitimacy of Greek bank debts? 90% of the Greek “bailout” loans have gone straight to French and German banks!
Greek Debt Bondage
For a creditor nation such as the UK, the morality of “paying ones debts” runs strong. Yet look carefully at our own financial history and you will find precedents where the UK has defaulted on its debts – much like Greece seeks to renegotiate now.
One of the more outlandish, yet poorly known examples of UK default is a landmark 1989 legal battle between Hammersmith and Fulham Council vs the American banking behemoth Goldman Sachs.

137 Councils including Hammersmith had been encouraged to enter into multiple “interest rate swaps” – where the council exchanged floating interest rates with a bank, for the “security” of a fixed rate. Or so they thought.

In the fish hooks of the contracts, the bank would pay Hammersmith if interest rates increased, while Hammersmith would pay the bank when rates fell.

Hammersmith, the largest player in the interest rate swaps market had signed hundreds of swaps contracts placing UK taxpayers on the hook for $9.5billion in potential losses as interests rates moved against the council in favour of Goldman Sachs.

Terrified council executives were quickly phoning the Audit Commission, Big Four Accountants and City law firms for expert advice as to their options to extricate themselves from a growing budgetary black hole.

This sordid tale of local government incompetence, predatory bank lending and UK Government legal chicanery, is craftily retold by Duncan Campbell Smith in “Closing the Swaps Shop.”

UK Government as the “lender of last resort” to councils via the Treasury Public Works Loan Board (PWLB) took a keen interest in the case, as the debts mounted and council defaults and Government bailouts to pay the banks became a realistic proposition.
The case was further complicated because some councils had “guessed right” with their interest rate bets, and were profiting handsomely from the trades, whilst others, such as Hammersmith taxpayers faced a potential bill of some 6.2 billion!
Ultimately, the matter was decided in the UK High Courts, were QC’s scouring over the fine print of the 1972 Local Government Act ruled that councils entering into stand-alone swaps and derivatives contracts was “ultra-vires” or outside of the councils legal powers. Whether the British courts would have reached the same conclusions were it Greek and not British taxpayers on the hook remains a moot point.
In the Hammersmith case, UK High Courts ruled it was not council’s role to be speculating upon interest rates, and taxpayers should not be held liable, much to the anger of bankers in Wall Street and the City of London.
However take a look at the “devils derivatives” deal handed down by Goldman Sachs to bring Greece into the Eurozone and this is precisely what has happened there. Far from having the offending contracts “invalidated” by the EU courts, Greek taxpayers were left on the hook for the full amount of debt – largely owed to German and French banks.
The same story has played out in Italy, Spain, Germany and France where London based banks have systematically mis-sold swaps and derivatives contracts to bumbling and inept Government officials, too lazy or corrupt to ask proper questions.
In the Hammersmith and Fulham case, the interest rate swaps contracts were invalidated, the British taxpayer and Government spared. Currently however, UK taxpayers are on the hook for £300 billion+ in PFI contracts and LOBO loans at councils like Newham, which feature interest rate derivatives similar in nature to those featured in the infamous Hammersmith deal.
Before passing judgement on the “lazy Greeks” as characterised in the right-wing British press, UK citizens would be well advised to survey our own back yard for odious bank debt, and to revisit the Hammersmith test case and reflect upon the likely implications had the full terms of billions of pounds in swaps contracts been enforced by UK courts, with UK taxpayers ultimately liable.

Sunday, 22 March 2015

Yianis has done his homework

Now that Varoufakis is the FinMin of Greece
an embattled, enslaved nation, he has to
choose his words carefully. He hasn't been
doing that as well as he could, but I like
a good bun fight anyway.

However, before he became a politician,
he was an awesome Economist-about-Town
talking to the Alt-media about how
the Euro was a mistake and that it's on
a monorail ride off a cliff. Now, he also
discovered that because of this
instability in the Euro causing banking
"issues", the tendency of the Bankocracy
is to squash any and all countries that
do not follow IMF dogma. Indeed, the
banker/politicians are misanthropic
fascists. no surprise there.
But most people need "proof".

All that is needed is for them to let a few
words slip in public and we will be sure
about what we've been assuming all along.
They want to subjugate any and all poeples
to the will of the banks. Varoufakis found this:

checkit: Protagon Varoufakis
Συντρίψτε τους Έλληνες! Το Μνημόνιο υπό το φώς των αποκαλύψεων 
Geithner Ο τ. υπουργός οικονομικών των ΗΠΑ Timothy Geithner το επιβεβαίωσε σε μια μαγνητοφωνημένη συζήτηση που είδε πρόσφατα το φως της δημοσιότητας(*): Τον Φεβρουάριο του 2010, οι βορειοευρωπαίοι ηγέτες, αγνοώντας την λαίλαπα που θα συμπαρέσυρε ολόκληρη την ευρωζώνη, παραδόθηκαν στην οργή εναντίον της «άσωτης» Ελλάδας και ήταν αποφασισμένοι να «συνθλίψουν τους Έλληνες», καθώς η Ελλάδα κατάφερε να χρεοκοπήσει εντός μιας νομισματικής ένωσης η αρχιτεκτονική της οποίας δεν προέβλεπε (και για αυτό δεν μπορούσε να αντιμετωπίσει) μια τέτοια χρεοκοπία. Σε συνάντηση των G7 στον Καναδά, ο Geithner άκουγε εμβρόντητος τους βορειοευρωπαίους συναδέλφους του να λένε: «Θα τους μάθουμε ένα μάθημα. Είναι απαίσιοι. Μας είπαν ψέμματα. Είναι καθήκια, άσωτοι και εκμεταλλεύτηκαν τους θεσμούς. Θα τους συνθλίψουμε. Αυτή ήταν, βασικά, η στάση τους. Όλων τους.» Η αντίδραση του Geithner ακούγοντας αυτές τις έξαλλες κουβέντες δεν ήταν να ανησυχήσει για το μέλλον των ελλήνων. Όχι, ο αμερικανός ανησύχησε ότι, στην πρεμούρα τους να «σκοτώσουν» τους έλληνες, οι βοριεοευρωπαίοι θα πυροβολούσαν, άθελά τους, τον ίδιο τους τον εαυτό. Όπως έγραφα εδώ στο protagon τον Μάιο του 2010, παρομοιάζοντας το Μνημόνιο με την Συνθήκη των Βερσαλλιών: παρασυρμένοι από την ισχύ τους, οι ισχυροί μπορεί κάλλιστα να επιβάλουν στους ανίσχυρους συνθήκες και όρους που αποδυναμώνουν όλους. Αυτός ακριβώς είναι ο φόβος μου για την συμφωνία που επέβαλε η τρόικα ΔΝΤ-ΕΕ-ΕΚΤ στην ηττημένη χώρα μας…. Αυτά έχουν οι Συνθήκες τύπου Βερσαλλιών: Σπαταλούν την ισχύ των ισχυρών με αποτέλεσμα (τόσο το 1919 όσο και το 2010) την ένδεια όλων μας - ισχυρών και αδύναμων. Ο Geithner πρέπει να ήταν ο μόνος σε εκείνη την συνάντηση που καταλάβαινε πως οι Ευρωπαίοι, στην προσπάθειά τους να τιμωρήσουν τους έλληνες, θα έθεταν την Ευρώπη ολόκληρη σε μια σκοτοδίνη δεκαετίας και άνω. Τα υπόλοιπα έχουν περάσει στην ιστορία. Η Ελλάς συνεθλίβη. Και συνεθλίβη όχι επειδή αφέθηκε να χρεοκοπήσει επισήμως αλλά επειδή δεν της επετράπη να αγκαλιάσει την αναπόφευκτη χρεοκοπία της. Συνεθλίβη επειδή επιβλήθηκε το μεγαλύτερο δάνειο στην ανθρώπινη ιστορία στην πιο πτωχευμένη χώρα υπό τον όρο της συρρίκνωσης των (σε ευρώ) εισοδημάτων της κατά 30%, την ώρα που καλείται να αποπληρώσει όλα τα παλιά δάνεια (που την γονάτισαν) συν τα καινούργια. Με αυτή την κίνηση των βορειοευρωπαΐων, την οποία η εγχώρια κλεπτοκρατία αγκάλιασε με ενθουσιασμό, όχι μόνο συνεθλίβη η Ελλάδα αλλά έγινε και κάτι άλλο: Η υπόλοιπη ευρωπαϊκή περιφέρεια (όπου εξήχθη το μοντέλο «Συντρίψτε την Ελλάδα», σε λίγο πιο ήπια μορφή) πέρασε σε κατάσταση μόνιμης ασφυξίας με αποτέλεσμα ολόκληρη η Ευρωζώνη να βρίσκεται, σήμερα, σε κατάσταση μόνιμης ύφεσης αποπληθωρισμού και γοργής απώλειας της πολιτικής της νομιμοποίησης στα μάτια της πλειοψηφίας των ευρωπαίων. Μετά τις τελευταίες αποκαλύψεις Geithner, εκείνοι που το 2010 υποστήριζαν πως το μνημονιακό δάνειο ήταν μονόδρομος (μαζί με εκείνους που διαφωνούσαν αλλά που, κάποια στιμγή, άλλαξαν γνώμη για να αναρριχηθούν στην εξουσία) σήμερα μου λένε με αυταρέσκεια: «Είδες ποια ήταν η ατμόσφαιρα στην Ευρώπη τότε; Αν κάναμε αυτά που έλεγες, θα μας είχαν συνθλίψει!» Απαντώ: Μα, μας συνέθλιψαν! Η μέγγενη με την οποία το κατάφεραν ήταν ακριβώς αυτό το μνημονιακό δάνειο που οι κυβερνήσεις μας υπέγραψαν το 2010 και το 2012 και προσποιούνται ότι τηρούν από τότε έως σήμερα. Ακριβώς όπως η Γερμανία συνεθλίβη το 1919 υπογράφοντας την Συνθήκη των Βερσαλλιών, έτσι κι η Ελλάς συνεθλίβη υπογράφοντας τις μνημονιακές, δανειακές συμφωνίες – την πρώτη ώστε να διασωθούν οι βορειοευρωπαϊκές τράπεζες, την δεύτερη για να διασωθούν οι έλληνες τραπεζίτες, ο πολιτικός τους περίγυρος και τα ΜΜΕ που ταΐζονται από τα δάνεια αυτά (δηλαδή την κλεπτοκρατία που ποτέ δεν συνθλίβη βεβαίως βεβαίως!). Η επιλογή της Ελλάδας στις αρχές του 2010, τότε που ο κ. Geithner είχε τις εν λόγω επαφές, ήταν απλή: Αποδοχή της χρεοκοπίας της ή επέκτασή της στο διηνεκές. Η δεύτερη εναλλακτική, μέσω μνημονιακών δανείων, ήταν εκείνη που σύναδε τα μέγιστα με την συντριβή της χώρας, όπως την ήθελαν οι βορειοευρωπαίοι. Και σαν να μην έφτανε αυτό, σαν να μην αρκούσε η επέκταση της χρεοκοπίας της χώρας στο διηνεκές (κάτι που αποτελεί την μέγιστη, την πιο απάνθρωπη, ταπεινωτική συντριβή ενός λαού), η καθεστηκυία μας τάξη δεν παύει να μας ζητά να την δοξάσουμε που μας έσωσε από την συντριβή, που μας έβγαλε από την χρεοκοπία. Τότε, το 2010, σε εκείνο το άρθρο όπου (όπως ο Geithner σήμερα) αναφερόμουν στην άφρονα μανία της Γερμανίας να υποβάλει ολόκληρο τον ελληνικό λαό σε συλλογική τιμωρία (όπως είχαν κάνει οι σύμμαχοι στην Γερμανία το 1919), με σίγουρο αποτέλεσμα την επέκταση της κρίσης σε ολόκληρη την Ευρώπη, δανείστηκα μια φράση από τον Keynes με την οποία ο άγγλος οικονομολόγος, σχολιάζοντας την Συνθήκη των Βερσαλλιών, έγραφε: "... η ανειλικρινής αποδοχή... όρων που ήταν αδύνατον να τηρηθούν..., και τους οποίους δεν είχε σκοπό να τηρήσει, καθιστά την Ελλάδα(**) το ίδιο ένοχη με την τρόικα(***) οι οποίοι επέβαλαν όρους που δεν είχαν το δικαίωμα να επιβάλουν." Τέσσερα τώρα χρόνια η πιο πάνω φράση εξακολουθεί να συνοψίζει την ελληνική πραγματικότητα. Η Ελλάς, όντως, συνθλίβη. Μαζί της, δυστυχώς, συνθλίβη και η ιδέα μιας ενωμένης, προοδευτικής Ευρώπης. (*) Βλ. τις απομαγνητοφωνημένες δηλώσεις του κ. Geithner που έδωσε στην δημοσιότητα ο δημοσιογράφος των Financial Times Peter Spiegel. (**) Εδώ αντικατέστησα την «Γερμανία» με την «Ελλάδα» κι εδώ (***) αντικατέστησα «τους Συμμάχους» με «την τρόικα»

The Potami of Effluent

As shown by the behaviour of the Potamites in the
EU parliament and their commentary on Syriza,
we were lucky as a nation to avoid this
bullshit, backdoor statist bastards.

More later

Greek Minister of Awesome

One the level of reality, it seems that Yianis Varoufakis
is the man who will bring the Euro to an end. I've
followed his interviews on alt-media and paid-for MSM-BS
for 5 years now. I believe that he has the knowledge,
and the brains to carry this off. What he has done with
his new place on the world stage is simply tell the truth
about the Euro, who is running it, and how it spells
enslavement for most of us.

If he does this successfully, he will bring this confidence
game to an end. It is really just relying on fake money
political lies and very real enslavement that the slaves
seem to welcome, except not in Greece. not any more

So, Varoufakis has quite a public image as a virile
mudderf^&ker, and he's therefore getting a wild
reaction from the Continental artsy crowd.
Notice the following video. For a full cultural
analysis, go to my Posture blog. Schnell.

 

Tuesday, 26 August 2014

Lancet says austerity is bad for Greeks' health

When your country's problems are so visible that
medical science can see them, you're in bad shape.

These guys even go into the mistake of bailing
banks with money that's needed for health.

What they didn't note was Merkel blackmailing
Greece so that it can spend more on tanks, and
less on health. The Lancet can't do everything.



Checkit:  New scientist
Greek austerity tragedy shows where not to make cuts
    16:23 26 February 2014 by Andy Coghlan
Austerity can be bad for your health. Greece has seen drastic increases in infant mortality, suicide and depression since the government made deep cuts to healthcare and social support services between 2009 and 2012. These fallouts may soon be reprised in other countries that have embarked on tough austerity measures, such as Spain and Portugal.
Following the country's financial crash, Greece cut its hospital budget by 25 per cent cut and slashed funding for mental health problems by 55 per cent. An analysis of health statistics shows that as a result, suicides increased 45 per cent between 2007 and 2011 and, over roughly the same period, cases of depression more than doubled and infant mortality rose by 43 per cent.
Needle-exchange schemes and free condoms for injecting drug users were also cut. By 2012, new HIV cases in this group were 32 times what they had been in 2009.
The country has also had its first cases of locally spread malaria for 40 years.
"The Greek experience shows the serious consequences of withdrawing health spending and social services," says David Stuckler of the University of Oxford, lead author of the analysis.
Spain next?
The worry is that a similar pattern will be seen in Spain, which introduced similarly savage cuts to health budgets in 2012 and 2013. "We think Spain will follow if the cuts are not reversed," says Helena Legido-Quigley of the London School of Hygiene and Tropical Medicine, who last year published a study on how the recession has so far affected health in Spain.
Legido-Quigley says that more recent developments such as the withdrawal of universal access to healthcare from 873,000 non-residents in 2012 could create conditions for epidemics of HIV and TB like those seen when services were withdrawn in Greece. She says there's still time to prevent similar epidemics in Spain, but only by restoring universal healthcare.
False economy

Stuckler says preventing epidemics is far cheaper than controlling them once they've begun. Last year, he produced estimates suggesting that healthcare spending actually boosts the economy, adding more than $4 to the economy for every $1 invested, compared with a drain on the economy of $10 for every $1 invested in defence, for example.
It's a false economy to cut spending on health and welfare, says Stuckler, and both Iceland and Finland survived economic meltdowns without doing so. Instead, they saved public money by not bailing out failed banks, leaving the private sector to pick up the bill.

"Short-term savings gained by drastic austerity measures should be weighed against their long-term costs," says George Slavich of the University of California, Los Angeles, who investigates the long-term effects of stress. "Living in a state of social and economic unpredictability, with inadequate access to healthcare, does not just contribute to short-term illness, it can also set in motion a set of biological processes that greatly affect lifelong health, and which can even lead to premature death," he says.
Journal reference: The Lancet, DOI: 10.1016/S0140-6736(13)62291-6

Proof of Troika fiddling

I'm going to place a text below which is
very good at analysing the politics of
austerity for Greece, and the flaws in
its application.

As this guy sees it, these flaws will mean
the end of the Troika's plans.
He shows how the Troika is acting on
behalf of the banks, and on behalf of
German military contractors and Merkel.

The ballooning military spending was one
clue that politicians were being paid off for
arms that Greece cannot afford and cannot
use. Submarines for example. It shows how
this is still going on now, even with austerity.

And Merkeel feigns innocence, like
"I didn't know Greece was spending so much
money. Schade"

His methodical style is also
very reassuring. He is academically
slicing the Troika and Greek politicians
into tiny pieces.

Let's see what happens next.

checkit: Mainly macro
Greece and denying responsibility
My earlier post making some parallels between attitudes to Greece and attitudes during the Irish potato famine of the 1840s was picked up by others in Ireland and Greece, and has drawn some interesting reactions. Thankfully most understood that, as I wrote: “Of course the Irish famine is different in degree and form to the difficulties being faced by many in some Eurozone economies.” So why did I still want to make the comparison? The trigger was the denial of responsibility highlighted by the Lancet study I referred to, and the common alternative view that all problems were down to a corrupt or inefficient Greek government and economy.
I wanted to make the parallel with the Irish famine for three reasons. First, there seemed to be the same type of deflection of blame going on today as at that time. Second, ideas about what could and couldn’t be done in terms of economic relationships were central. Third, the verdict of history is pretty clear with the Irish famine. The British government did provide some famine relief, but what history remembers is that it was not nearly enough. History remembers the action and inaction of the British government, and not the inefficiencies and inadequacies of Irish agriculture.
One response to my criticisms is that without Troika or IMF support, austerity would have been much more immediate and intense. This is of course true: unable to borrow at all, the Greek government’s primary deficit would have had to fall to zero even if all interest payments on debt had been halted. But as I noted above, the headline from history is not that the famine would have been worse still if the British government had not provided any relief, but rather that it did not provide enough.
Troika assistance to Greece made two major mistakes. First, wishful (at best) thinking about the amount of government debt Greece could support. Second, the Troika imposed a front loaded austerity programme that was far too severe. How much of the subsequent collapse of the economy was due to this is unclear, but few seriously doubt it played a major role. As I noted here, the estimates by the Troika of the impact of austerity that were made at the time ignored basic and widely accepted macroeconomic analysis.
Mistakes get made, particularly in a crisis. When these mistakes become evident, as they did pretty quickly in the case of Greece, there are two possible responses. The first is for those who made these mistakes to admit responsibility, and try and learn the lessons. I think the IMF has to some extent tried to do this, as I noted in this earlier post. The second possible reaction is denial, and to seek to blame others. It is this response that history does not look too kindly upon.
Denial takes many forms. There are many myths. One of the most invidious is that the failure of Greek debt to stabilise is because the Greek government failed to undertake the required austerity. This is simply not true, as this excellent study of all the assistance programmes to Eurozone countries by Pisani-Ferry, Sapir and Wolff documents. (See also the numbers I presented in this post.) The austerity programme was always far too severe, and became more so over time.
Another myth is that workers refused to cut wages, thus preventing the necessary adjustment in competitiveness. To quote the Pisani-Ferry et al study: “It is only for wage-based competitiveness indicators such as unit labour costs that the improvement is noticeable. Thanks mostly to downward wage adjustment, ULCs started to decline already in 2010 and the trend accelerated strongly in 2011-12.” So the image of the stubborn Greek worker refusing to face reality is incorrect.
There is also a denial of the extent to which the Troika promoted its self interest, rather than doing what was good for the Greek people. No doubt part of the failure to recognise the necessary debt write off was wishful thinking, but it is difficult to believe that it had nothing to do with who held that debt. As this Breugel study shows, the term ‘privatisation’ appears ten times more often in Commission programme documents than the word ‘poverty’. When it became possible that Greece might elect a government headed by Syriza, Greece was threatened with exit from the Eurozone not because the Troika believed this prospective government might do more harm to the Greek economy, but because they threatened to suspend interest payments.
A good example of this self interest is defense spending, and German built submarines in particular. Greek defense spending is well above the Eurozone average. An obvious initial austerity measure would have been a complete suspension of Greek spending on overseas produced military hardware. This is one example where austerity could actually be expansionary: Greece benefits from the reduced tax burden, but the demand impact is felt entirely overseas. Any fears about Turkey could have been covered by assurances from other governments. Indeed, given the alternatives, it seems criminal not to have made this a condition of Troika support. But of course this would be to ignore where this hardware was built - mainly in Germany and other Eurozone economies. 
As Merkel is reported as saying: “But we never asked you to spend so much of your GDP on defence”. Yet the Troika has not been afraid to ask for many things. One of the myths is that Troika loans have not involved much conditionality - as Pisani-Ferry et al note, “the Troika has immersed itself more and more in the sector-specific regulation of microeconomic behaviour.” The extent of corruption in the procurement of Greek military hardware is immense, but the bribes have been paid by companies in other Eurozone countries, particularly Germany.
It is clearly nonsense to argue that the damage done to the economy and health of the Greek people is all down to corruption and inefficiency within Greece and nothing to do with Troika actions. Denial of responsibility is particularly dangerous if it means not admitting your mistakes but instead repeating them. The tragedy of the Greek political class is not that they failed to enact Troika policies, but that acquiesced to them. The one ray of hope is that now the Greek government is no longer running a primary deficit, so it potentially has much stronger negotiating power. I only hope they use it. 

Monday, 26 May 2014

the River vs. Same-as-it-ever-was

And all this time, I thought Greeks were sitting home in
the cold and the dark, shitting their pants about
losing their home(s) to the tax man.
I mean "dark" because tens of thousand have cut their
electricity provision, and heating, willingly. 
 interlude


Some Greeks have actually been thinking philosophically about
how to stick it to the political system, not with guns,
but freedom. Freedom from politics and politicians.
Scintillating.Gandhi would have jumped for joy.

I just discovered what all the 'river' business has been about
in the Greek media and Twitter. The Potami Party.
Not Pyjama, Potami. River.
It's a political "party" that's only been around for 6 months,
and its "leader" is a happy-go-lucky journalist
named Theodorakis.

He has no manifesto. He wants people to have a say.
People in their malnourished daze have actually
had the strength to vote for this guy.

He got 6% in the Euro elections, and he sounds more
like a candidate for Eurovision.

That's 2 members in Brussels, and the same as the
Party of Assholes Formerly Known as PASOK.
Same as it ever was? No. It's a refreshing dunk in a river. the whole John the Baptist rebirth. Take me to the Potami checkit: theguardian http://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2014/mar/13/stavros-theodorakis-river-greek-potami-european-elections Stavros Theodorakis's 'river' party aims to get Greek politics flowing in the right direction With only two months until the European elections, Potami is already polling 6%, due to its rejection of traditional party politics Alex Andreou Thursday 13 March 2014 08.59 GMT Stavros Theodorakis's Potami 'aims to be a movement that includes people from all walks of life [that addresses] the deficit of real-life experience in politics'. Photograph: Aristidis Vafeiadakis/ZUMA Press/Corbis The word on everyone's lips in Greece is "Potami". It is the name of a new party, or movement to be more accurate, created by the respected journalist Stavros Theodorakis barely two weeks ago and already polling around a staggering 6% in national surveys. It means "river" because its founder hopes that many will be able to join it, add their creative waters to its flow and that, like a river, it will stir up – but also bring clarity and vitality to – what he sees as the stagnant pool of established party politics. I meet Stavros (he insists on everyone calling him by his first name) in the offices of his new party – a first-floor apartment in an inconspicuous block of flats in a residential part of Athens, converted to provide a working space. "Come in," he says, adding that "it's all suddenly got very busy." Well, yes, if you decide to start a party from scratch and put it in the hat for the European elections in two months' time, I imagine it would. "What do you want from me?" he asks with a friendly directness, which has become the trademark of his investigative television programme Protagonists over the years. "I'm not doing interviews yet." So we settle on this being a coffee and a chat instead. How does he respond to the charge levelled by some that, despite good intentions and an admirable start, Potami doesn't have a coherent and sound ideological basis? "We don't," he agrees proudly. While it is clear that his sensibilities are centre-left, he considers rigid ideology a hindrance. "Everyone wears their party specs," he explains, "and sees the world with a red or blue or green tinge." He thinks this brings a lack of clarity, that such labels act to segregate politicians and make finding solutions to practical problems more difficult. "Even the way they sit in parliament is silly – in blocks of party MPs, all putting on a uniformly approving or disapproving expression depending on who is talking." He asks: "Why shouldn't I sit next to an opponent so we can discuss an issue and try to convince each other or a colleague from another party with whom we might have common ground?" He considers a rigid party system a disadvantage, rigged to facilitate not listening to each other or the electorate. This is one of the reasons Potami is not putting forward any candidates for the municipal and regional elections that are also happening in May. "What do I know of local issues in, say, Crete, to try and impose an overall, national strategy?" So why start at the European elections? "It's cheap," he responds with a smile – there is that disarming honesty again. He is not standing in the European elections himself. Refreshingly (and rarely for a politician, even one as new to the game as he is), he doesn't consider himself qualified. His English is not good enough, he says. Potami aims to be a movement that includes people from all walks of life – doctors, builders, architects, students, intellectuals, employed or unemployed. The credo at the core of its existence is to address the deficit of real-life experience in politics. We talk some more about the party system and his belief that it promotes a closed shop of career politicians. The right is laden by nepotism, dominated by particular families with respectable surnames, by privilege and by connection. The left has similar problems because it rewards people who have been loyal to the party (or the union) by promoting from within. In both cases, according to Theodorakis, the end result is that the candidates put forward have a CV packed with political experience but little else to recommend them. The motto at Potami is "politics for all". Theodorakis is to be enthusiastically applauded. Whatever the political limitations – and perhaps lack of polish – of what he is doing, the bottom line is that he is doing it. In a world seemingly full of citizens who are either apathetic or see themselves as passive recipients of government policy, active ownership of one's fate and that of their nation should be encouraged. He will come under fire over the next few months without doubt. He represents a serious challenge to the status quo – and not only in a strictly Greek context. Established parties in most mature democracies have become floppy and complacent. Their sole raison d'être is to be elected, with little idea of what that means or what they might achieve when in power. They define their policies strictly with reference to the direction in which they are in danger of losing votes, rather than the national interest or a core set of values. Imagine a pop-up party like this suddenly challenging the Ukip-obsessed Tories from the centre or Labour from the left. A measure of political unpredictability may act to keep politics honest. Conspiracy theories are rife – in a country which is a bit of a specialist in the field – about who is behind Potami, who might be funding it, what interests it might represent. Political players and commentators alike seem prepared to countenance every possibility except one: that someone with broad appeal could just decide they are unhappy with what is on offer and do their own thing. And that it could be successful. In many ways, this simplest explanation is, politically, the most dangerously explosive and optimistic one.

Monday, 9 September 2013

a protracted Cold War between people and government

This segment will describe the apprehended warfare that
is going on in Greece due to the invasion of the Troika.
Greeks, having been overrun by larger nations, are
sizing up their enemy and considering how to react.

The Greeks tend to have their own homes, free and clear
and they are beginning to fear losing their homes. One
source of that fear is a new property tax, paid through
the electricity bill and given to the government.

They already have problems paying for electricity and
heating.
Heating used to be with deisel central heating. Now,
many in Athens have gas. Neither of these combustibles
are cheap enough and so they are also cutting off  their
fuel supply and so in the colds of winter, they burn wood
in a stove. The city stinks of burning wood. Some with
a bit of cash, have electric A/C-heat units for heating.

On the good side, light pollution is
way down as people are having their
electricity cut off as well, willingly. And the
candle business is seeing 10% growth.
And with no A/C unit, power use is way down!

It's a green revolution. thank you politicians!
You will save the world.

more seriously, it's literally a Cold War. brrrrr

The one thing the people are focusing on is keeping their
hard-won home. If the government takes homes
from families, they may as well roast the public
to keep the country warm. 

Wednesday, 26 June 2013

Emerging markets are rising. That's good for Greece

because Greece is now part of the Second World.
It has left the room where the big boys are
playing and is waiting in the wings with
Mozambique, for example.

That is to Greece's benefit, because the
emerging countries are riding the BRICS
coattails to success.

So, Greece has a chance to start again, with
the minor issue of a mortal debt hanging
over its head.

checkit: Bloomberg


Greece Cut to Emerging Market at MSCI in World First
By Tom Stoukas - Jun 11, 2013 10:32 PM GMT
Greece became the first developed nation to be downgraded to emerging-market status by index provider MSCI Inc. (MSCI) after the country’s stocks plunged 91 percent since 2007.
The MSCI Greece Index will no longer be classified as a developed market as it failed to meet criteria regarding securities borrowing and lending facilities, short selling and transferability, New York-based MSCI, whose equity indexes are tracked by investors with about $7 trillion in assets, said in a statement. The gauge consists of two companies, Hellenic Telecommunications Organization SA, the country’s largest phone operator, and Opap SA, Greece’s biggest gambling firm.
Locked out of bond markets since April 2010, Greece was forced to accept two European Union-led bailout packages as public opposition to pension and wage cuts derailed the pace of promised economic reforms. The benchmark ASE Index (ASE), which has 60 members, sank 83 percent since October 2007.